The past few years have seen the appearance on the commercial market of a commemorative bird's eye view, now owned by the British Library, and of a woodcut map produced in the Netherlands that is now in private ownership. The copperplate bird's-eye view shows the English victory over the Scots at Musselburgh or Pinkie Cleugh near Edinburgh (10 September 1547) while the woodcut map is a very close copy of Lily's map of the British Isles published in Rome in 1546.
Putting Musselburgh on the map: Two recently-discovered cartographic documents from the 'Rough Wooing'
The context for both items is to be found in the Anglo-Scottish wars of 1542-1550, also known as 'the Rough Wooing' because they were intended to force the Scottish government to agree to the engagement of the young Edward VI of England (b.1537) to the even younger Mary Queen of Scots (b.1542) which would have paved the way to union between England and Scotland. On coming to power as regent or Protector for his 9 year-old nephew, Edward VI, in 1547, the Duke of Somerset tried to achieve this objective through a combination of conciliation and shared Protestantism underpinned by military might. After the success at Pinkie (Musselburgh), however, the war went badly for the English, and in 1548 Mary was engaged to the French dauphin and transported to France. In order to justify the continued objective of Anglo-Scottish union regardless of this setback, and to regain domestic popularity in face of growing peasant unrest, the English government had no alternative but to fall back on the vigorous reassertion of traditional English claims to suzerainty over Scotland which made a dynastic marriage irrlevant. This revised policy was buttressed by the release of propaganda tracts, maps and images which played on the magnitude of the English victory at Pinkie (Musselburgh).
The use of English, rather than Latin, which was universally understood, on the print of the battle and the English imperialist imagery on the map, with the indication of Musselburgh (the sole British place-name not to be found on the Lily map) strongly suggest that the view of the battle and the map were created with the English domestic market in mind after summer 1548 and before the total collapse of the English position in Scotland and the fall of Somerset in the autumn and winter of 1549/50. The essay seeks to place the two items in the context of an official English multi-media propaganda campaign dating back to the early 1540s and specifically to relate them to official maps of the British Isles which conflated England with the whole of Britain and to a series of commemorative panel and mural paintings of the triumphs of Henry VIII and Edward VI, including Pinkie (Musselburgh) which were commissioned from the early 1540s. It is further suggested that the print, which seems to be the earliest separately published copperplate print to have been produced in England, may have been designed by a German (perhaps the King's Printer, Rainer Wolfe) and printed either by him or by Thomas Gemini and that the map may have been commissioned by an English merchant resident in the Netherlands from an engraver who had links with the northern Netherlands.
Paul van den Brink
The Atlas van Tropisch Nederland published in 1938 by the Royal Netherlands Geographical Society in cooperation with the Topographical Survey in the Dutch East-Indies, is generally acknowledged as one of most significant Dutch atlases of the twentieth century. Seen from the aspects of time and space, this atlas provides an phenomenal image of the topography of the Dutch West and East-Indies, while focussing on the dominant human, physical and economical themes that were so important in the opening up of this vast colonial area during the first half of the twentieth century. However, and in spite of its cartographical importance, little is known about the establishment of this atlas and its basis ideas. This article discusses to some length the case history of the Atlas van Tropisch Nederland, bringing back its development into three periods covering the years 1905-1911, 1915-1922 en 1924-1938.
The publication history of the Atlas van Tropisch Nederland, 1905-1938: 'An atlas-tragedy
Until about twenty years ago, it was generally thought that large-scale mapping of France began in the reign of Louis XIV (1661-1714). However, since that time it has become clear that a variety of military map-makers, both from the service of ingénieurs du roi (royal engineers) and from that of the maîtres des logis (lodgings-masters), had compiled detailed maps from about 1600 onwards; these offered far more detail than was available from printed maps of the time. The maps of the maîtres des logis remained hidden in the archives of the lodgings-service, but those of the ingénieurs du roi were frequently consulted by Henri IV (1589-1610) and Louis XIII (1610-1643) and their ministers.
Cardinal Mazarin's supply of manuscript maps about 1650
Until the chance discovery in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France of a listing of the manuscript maps acquired by Mazarin in the late 1640s (analyzed in this paper), we could only guess at the nature of this cartographic material. Now, however, we have an excellent idea about the kinds of map at Mazarin's disposal. Moreover, we can trace the subsequent fate of many of these maps; most ended up in the French royal collections, though some found their way to Turin and to London, probably as a result of espionage. This listing, then, revises our ideas about the cartographic material at the disposal of French ministers, before the great leap forward under Colbert in the 1660s.
The discovery by Günter Schilder of the ownership of the original plates of Pieter van den Keere by Cornelis Claesz. in a catalogue of 1609 indicated to us his participation was most likely as financier of the failed project. It is highly probably that there was an English agent or publisher. This unknown individuals death or abandonment of the project clearly led to Claesz. retaining ownership of the plates. His identity has eluded us but an examination of the candidates seems to lead to two more likely scenarios. Firstly that they formed an intended edition of Camden's Britannia, which was forestalled by Bishop's partially illustrated edition of 1600. A second feasability is that they were intended to form a part of a Ponsonby edition of the Langenes atlas. Again there are several reasons why this project may have failed including the Plague and the enormous change wrought on English society by the death of Queen Elizabeth in 1603.
The origins of the 'miniature' Speed atlas: The first atlas of the British Isles
The author identified five proof examples of the first English edition by Humble in 1627. An examination of these revealed a date of acquisition of the plates to be around 1623 and a content that was reworked so that the maps more closely followed those of the folio Speed atlas. The multi-county maps of the earlier series were largely re-done to allow separate maps for each county. The work was originally intended to be published without text and including a new title page which survives complete in just one known example. Deciding to circumvent the monopoly on selling printed items on one side of a piece of paper Humble changes the format to include text derived from the folio Speed atlas. This text focused Humbles attention on the differences in content with the folio and a further seven plates were engraved.
Samuel Lewis is one of America's earliest and most prolific mapmakers. His 1813 small wall map, A correct map of the United States, represents the competitive environment among American mapmakers and the fragile economics that they worked with. Deconstructing this map led not only to the discovery of a rare 1813 American imprint but also to the discovery of a scarce 1811 American imprint - two maps in one.
Two maps in one 'A correct map of the United States with the West Indies' by Samuel Lewis, 1813
The Royal Library of Belgium in Brussels is in the possession of a small manuscript of the middle of the eighteenth century, containing 52 simple maps of cities in the Southern Netherlands and on the borders of the Rhine. Meant to be drawn at a uniform scale of 1/28800, some of the maps differ greatly from this figure. Nicely drawn and coloured, the maps are nevertheless not exact. An attempt has been made to try to pinpoint the printed maps which could eventually have been used as models for a few chosen towns.
Small, fine, inaccurate: A French atlas of the middle of the eighteenth century
The theme of this essay is the relationship between the map image and the map reader, and the way the style of the former can point directly to the latter. The two poles of the visual spectrum are analysed. At one end of the spectrum stands the simplest image of all, the generalised cartographical statement, or the map in diagrammatic style (diagram for short). At the other end is the visually complex general map (the topographical map, mostly in largely 'naturalistic' style). The visually simple image is characterised by economy in every respect; its content is minimal, the lines are either bold curves or straight lines, and the whole has been designed to convey a highly specific point to an initiated reader or observer. In contrast, the content of a visually complex map image is densely packed with the maximum amount and range of information, its lines are irregular and detailed, and its role is polyfunctional; that is, it has a message for almost anybody and everybody and is designed, in the final analysis at least, to please an unspecific and unspecifiable market, that of the general reader and map user. In this paper, discussion focuses on the difference between macro- and micro-lines and the principles of diagrammatic drawing in general, and then on two examples of diagrammatic map- the familiar map of the London Underground (1933 ff.) and the battle plan sketched by Admiral Nelson of the eve of the Battle of Trafalgar (1805)-before contrasting these with the complex image of a topographical map. Finally, note is taken of the three main readership groups (learned, educated, trained) and of the growing pre-eminence of the educated reader and map user from about 1500 onwards.
For whom the map speaks: Recognising the reader
Battle plan sketched by Admiral Nelson
Frans and Joost Depuydt
Ortelius's map of Hispania Nova (1579), based on still unknown sources, was a model for later mapmakers (for instance De Bry, Hondius and Blaeu) for more than fifty years. The accuracy of the map is relatively good, compared with similar European maps from the same period. About 20 % of the toponyms has been identified. The location of these settlements has been scrutinized. Deviations vary from a few kilometres to more than 70 km, with an average of 25 km. Several clusters with a characteristic pattern of displacement can be distinguished. The map was presumably put together from several regional surveys, with varying accuracy. Looking at the clusters seperately, the accuracy increases significantly. Still, the accuracy does not equal the metrical accuracy of Mercator's map of Flanders, which is forty years older.
The metrical accuracy of Ortelius' Hispania Nova map (1579)
The first serious attempts to make quality charts of Danish waters to replace the Dutch rutters and sea charts of Anthonisz. and Waghenaer were made in 1680s when the Danish king appointed Jens Sørensen (1646-1723) as sea chart director. Sørensen made hundreds of impressive maps with very few resources. He used relatively simple instruments: a compass, a plumb bob, and a special wagon for measuring distances. As a result of six major expeditions and several small ones, he was able to produce excellent charts of Danish and Scandinavian waters. These maps were considered by the king to be too good, and so they were never printed.
Jens Sørensen's two 'lost' maps of Denmark found
Sørensen and his maps were forgotten for almost two centuries until the studies by Johannes Knudsen who, in 1916, based on the diaries and reports of Sørensen, sadly concluded that the two largest and most valuable maps made by Sørensen were lost. But in 2004, these two maps showed up in the stacks of the Danish National Archives and are now available to the public for the first time.
The first map, showing Zealand and Funen, has a magnificent coat-of-arms, in gold, silver, and colours, together with inscriptions on the method by which this map was constructed between 1691 and 1693. The other large map shows Jutland from Skagen to Hamburg without an inscription or date, but from the diaries can be dated from 1697.
Matthew H. Edney
Several boundary disputes heard by the Privy Council in London during the course of the eighteenth century - all concerned in one way or another with the territorially aggressive colony of Massachusetts Bay - were occasions for the printing of the eight maps discussed in this essay. They were all printed in London not for distribution through the marketplace but for private circulation among the Councillors, the officers of the Board of Trade and Plantations, the lawyers, and the colonial agents. Preserved only in small numbers within archival collections, they are easily overlooked by scholars searching for printed materials in libraries; indeed, seven of the eight were not identified in Barbara McCorkle's cartobibliography of pre-1800 printed maps of New England. This small corpus suggests that printed maps possessed a certain status among English political and administrative elites in the eighteenth century and that we need to be more precise in our understanding of cartographic practices in the period. Even so, there is no discernable pattern to the production of these maps, other than that many seem to have been printed at the behest of one man, Ferdinando Paris, who served as solicitor in London for both New Hampshire and Rhode Island in their boundary disputes with Massachusetts Bay colony.
Printed but not published: Limited-circulation maps of territorial disputes in eighteenth-century New England
In the years 1526-1537 a group of Swedish Catholic bishops was living in exile in Danzig (Gdansk), since Sweden had changed to Protestantism. Bishop Olaus Magnus was then engaged in preparing his Carta gothica, which later on, in 1539, was to be cut in wood in Venice and called Carta marina.
Map of Sweden in Leiden, 1533
According to the correspondence of the Polish cartographer Bernard Wapowski, Johannes (Hans) Brask (1464-1538), Bishop of Linköping, was at the same time acting in Danzig as cartographer as well. Till now, none of his maps has been known. But in the University Library of Leiden, a richly coloured manuscript map of Sweden has turned out to be drawn by Brask in 1533. The map indicates in particular the maritime commerce and harbours of the Swedish realm.
Hans-Uli Feldmann and Thomas Klöti
The independently published Bernese state maps clearly show the religious and political independence of Bern, and these were based on the primary map by Thomas Schoepf (1578). In the foreign atlases, the state of Bern, which was also represented in accordance with Schoepf, was not given a map of its own. Apparently because of the sheet division, the Bernese state territory was divided among several district sheets in which the division into districts was based on that of the Landtafeln (1548) by Johannes Stumpf. Even the maps by Pieter Schenk and Gerard Valk were still based on the division of Switzerland into 'Gaue' (districts). However, the borders of the state of Bern on the district maps were already represented. In 1676, the name 'Canton of Bern' arises for the first time on four district maps in the atlas Cartes particulières de la France, in which the French church provinces were shown. Through these maps, the 'géographe du roi' Nicolas Sanson set forth a claim to political hegemony by France.
Bernese maps as a symbol of state and religious independence
European mapmaking is richly documented in Bernese private collections. Until the mid-seventeenth century, the Dutch were the leaders in the field of cartography. It can be shown that the crowning work of Dutch printing, the eleven-volume Atlas maior (1662) from the map publisher Blaeu was in the possession of the Bernese Johann Rudolf von Tavel (1655-1704) (now in the Bern City and University Library). Also in Von Tavel's possession was a pair of globes by Blaeu, which he presented to the City Library in 1693.
Projected at 541 volumes, the universal atlas by the Bernese Johann Friedrich von Ryhiner (1732-1803) comprises more than 16,000 maps, plans and views from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, and the entries cover the entire earth and the important European production centres. The Ryhiner collection (now in the possession of the Bern City and University Library) is among the most valuable composite atlases in the world. It also contains maps of the Bernese territory which had been published independently or in atlases.
In ancient cartography Malta is shown, if at all, as a tiny speck in the centre of the Mediterranean. The first separate printed map of the island was published in Lyon in 1536, followed by a large number of maps printed in Rome and Venice from 1551 onwards, especially in connection with the Great Siege of 1565 and the foundation of Valletta, the capital city, in 1566. In 1570 Ortelius published a map of Malta on a composite sheet of islands, copying Lafreri's map of 1551.
The Maltese Islands in Flemish Cartography
Sporadically, other Dutch maps were produced by Hieronymus Cock (1565), Hendrick van Schoel (around 1615-1620), Philippus Cluverius (1619), Jodocus Hondius (1627). It was only from 1650 onwards that Malta earned a distinctive niche in Flemish cartography. Johannes Janssonius published a decorative map of Malta, of which three states are known, and a plan of Valletta in 1657. Shortly after, Joan Blaeu and Olfert Dapper followed suit.
Around 1680 Frederick de Wit produced a decorative map of Malta, which was also printed on silk in a prestigious atlas of 150 engraved maps and charts. He also reissued Janssonius' plan of Valletta of 1657. The seventeenth century closed with a map of Malta by Nicolaes Visscher, later reprinted by Pieter Schenk the Younger.
In the eighteenth century De Wit published a new map of Malta (1707), later reissued by Pierre Mortier and then by Covens and Mortier (1721 or after). There is no separate map of Malta by Johannes van Keulen although the island figures on his charts of Barbary and Sicily. But his son Gerard, hydrographer to the East India Company, published around 1730 a navigational chart of Malta, with inset views, based on an Italian map of 1686.
At that time the most prolific map publisher was Pieter van der Aa. He included various maps of Malta in his fifteen-volume work Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum Siciliae… et Adjacentium… published 1723-1725. Some of them reappeared in 1729 in his La galerie agréable du monde, together with two new maps for which he used plates originally engraved by the French Nicolas de Fer. In 1761 a Malta map was published in Amsterdam by Isaak Tirion, based on another French map.
Maps of Malta up to the end of the nineteenth century are quite near the one thousand mark. Almost all the Dutch maps were based on maps reproduced in other countries, mostly in Italy. On the other hand, some of these Flemish maps served as models for various other cartographers.
In literature six different states of the map of Amsterdam by Cornelis Anthonisz. are described. In this article the differences between the six states are mentioned. Differences are only to be seen in the title text. All states are dated 1544. Nevertheless they were sold by different booksellers in different years. The most recent seller was Trijntje Cloppenburgh. She was the widow of the Amsterdam bookseller Manuel Colijn. He died in 1636, she in 1664.
The Von Reider-map: The oldest printed map of Amsterdam byCornelis Anthonisz. (1544)
We only know the first state of the map by a description of J.D. Passavant in his Le peintre-graveur (part III) of 1862. It is not clear whether it is still preserved. In ca. 1860 the woodcut map in twelve sheets belonged to the private collection of Prof. Joseph Martin von Reider (1793-1862). He lived in Bamberg in Germany. After a comparison of the transcribed text in Passavants book and the text on the second state of the map preserved in the University Library Amsterdam the conclusion must be that the Von Reider map must have existed. The differences described by Passavant are too explicite so we can no longer think that the first state only existed on base of transcription faults by Passavant.
The most important pieces of the enormous Von Reider collection were given in 1858-1860 to the Bayerische Nationalmuseum in Munich. Von Reider got in exchange a life annuity. Two years later, after his death, some parts came to the collection of the Historische Verein Bamberg. Ca. 15,000 books and graphics (number unknown) were sold to the antiquarian Seligsberg in Bayreuth. It is not known what happened to the map afterwards. Until these days the map has never been seen or recognized. Nevertheless it is possible that it still is kept in a (private)collection in or outside Germany. Hopefully this article helps in refinding the first state of the oldest printed map of Amsterdam dated 1544.
Pre-cadastral maps are rich and important sources for historic-geographic research. In order to utilise these sources to the fullest, localisation of the individual parcels is necessary.
The localisation of parcel maps: Method for a systematic approach
The localisation process is carried out in three steps (identifications), with four levels of accuracy being differentiated: parcel level, local level, regional level and not localizable.
Vital to this process are the sources of localisation. In this article a number of possible sources are named. Historic-cartographic research, however, must demonstrate the value of maps as sources of localisation. For example one can realize a regional overview of usable sources of localization with which the quality of localization can be improved.
The accuracy of the localisations is increased by the use of GIS, with the condition being that the digital map files be geo-referred.
The existence of a quite remarkable wall map of Catalonia, of which only one copy survives, came to light a few decades ago. The map was printed in Antwerp, on six sheets, by J. B. Vrients (1552-1612), but it bears neither a date nor the mapmaker's name. This extraordinary geographical feat went largely unnoticed by both historians and archivists; in its day, it seems that the map was not greatly admired, since there are few mentions of its existence. However, it constitutes the first cartographic image of Catalonia and was the inspiration for a territorial conception which, since the dawn of the seventeenth century, began to be propagated and respond to the geographical imagination of European society. The map presents an image that combines rich iconographic rhetoric with an exuberant repertory of spatial information. Little is known of the circumstances surrounding its gestation and public distribution or of the interests, ideas and figures involved in its conception, drawing and publication, with the exception, in the final stage, of the deputies holding office in the Catalan Parliament between 1602 and 1605. Here we have evidence of an early, audacious project of the political appropriation of geographical vision and sensibility aimed at promoting the visualisation of territorial information; proving itself to be a useful tool for matters of government; and proclaiming, in a most persuasive manner, the pride felt for a sovereignty and identity.
The making of a highly persuasive and influential image: The first wall map of Catalonia (Vrients, 1606)
A.H. Huussen Jr. and S.J. de Groot
The authors dealt with a brief episode from the Austrian War of Succession on the basis of a few military maps dating from the year 1743. They placed two maps in their military-historic and topographic context: first a printed 'news map' of the encampment of the Allied 'Pragmatic' armies between Frankfurt am Main and Hanau, and second a manuscript map concerning the crossing of the troops across the Main, belonging to a report from the quartermaster-general of the Dutch 'Auxiliary' troops Reinhard van Reede van Ginkel. To this they added an 'Ordre de Bataille' that provides an overview of the strength of the Allied armies in the summer campaign of the subsequent year.
Cartographic and military aspects of the Allied campaign in 1743 during the Austrian War of Succession
Alba amicorum (autograph albums, or, in German, Stammbücher) were a popular genre, particularly among university students, from the middle of the sixteenth century until well into the nineteenth. The forms of entries ranged from a bare signature to elaborate personal messages accompanied by mottos, poetry, and illuminations. Hundreds of these books exist and they contain thousands of signatures, although they have been only partially cataloged and indexed. This essay looks at alba amicorum as a possible source of information about cartographers. It identifies 70 cartographers known to have signed albums, sometimes on multiple occasions, and speculates on the likely number of cartographers that might be identified if the extant albums were fully indexed.
Cartographers in Alba Amicorum
Amongst the names of cartographers listed by Abraham Ortelius in his Theatrum orbis terrarum in 1570, we are given the name of Tilemann Stella of Siegen with a reference to two map titles, one of Palestine and one of Judaea/Israel. The map of the Holy Land was published in the Parergon by Ortelius in 1586, an appendix to his cartographic work. No confirmed sheet of this map's original, which is proven to have been printed by Hans Krafft in 1552 in Wittenberg with an edition of 600 copies, has been found to date. Recently a team of restorers working in the city archives of Plau found a map fragment showing Judaea and Israel when dissecting a protocol tome of the 1585/1599 church visitation which largely matches the engraving published by Ortelius in 1586. One can therefore make a reasonably safe assumption that this fragment is indeed the map originally published by Stella.
Tilemann Stella's Map of the Holy Land
The year 1561 is the turning point in the history of the Silesian cartography. This year saw the publication of the first map of Silesia made on the basis of surveys and data collected from local inhabitants. The author of this map was Martin Helwig, born 5 November 1516 in Nysa (Neisse). He studied in Wittenberg, and later at the Akademia Krakowska (Cracow Academy) in Cracow. From 1544 Helwig worked in Swidnica (Schweidnitz), and from 1552 in Wroclaw (Breslau) at the school of St. Mary Magdalen. He died on 26 January 1574.
Martin Helwig's map of Silesia from 1561 - an unknown edition from 1612
Helwig produced a woodcut map on the scale of ca. 1:540,000, which was cut by H. Kron. The whole map was printed from 12 woodblocks, but the map itself from only four woodblocks. The wide border (ca. 3 cm) around the map, which includes 28 coats of arms of Silesian duchies and their capitals, was printed from eight additional woodblocks. The map measures 57.5 x73 cm or, including the border, 67 x81.5 cm. In the upper part of the map, there is a cartouche (9.5 x19 cm) with a dedication to Nikolaus Rehdiger (1525-1587), the town treasurer, under whose patronage the map came into being. In the lower part, there is a cartouche with an imprint. On the right, a linear scale, surmounted by the coat of arms of the sponsor of this map. The map is south facing, extending to Cracow in the east, to Bischofswerda in the west, to Olomouc in the south and to Poznan in the north. On the map Helwig included more than 370 geographical names, of which the vast majority are the names of places situated mostly on the map based on the 1554 map of Europe by Gerard Mercator. Among them were towns, monasteries, castles and villages, designated by one of the four symbols shown in the key under the dedication cartouche. In addition, each place is accompanied by a fictitious silhouette, often an extended miniature of the town. The number and size of these symbols as well as the large lettering had the effect of condensing and overloading the map, but together with the decorative border around it and the coats of arms of Poland and the Czech lands, enhanced its ornamental value. The Helwig map can therefore be regarded as one of the most beautiful woodcut maps ever to have been made.
This map of Silesia was published in many editions, always printed from the same woodblocks in the years 1605, 1627, 1642, 1685, 1738, 1745, 1746, 1765, 1776 (twice) and 1778. The feature characterising these editions were the changes in the text in the upper cartouche (with dedication) or in the lower cartouche (with an imprint) or in both at the same time.
Unknown, and not hitherto described in the literature, is the edition from 1612. A copy of this edition turned up at auction in 2003 and was purchased for his own collection by the well-known collector of maps and Polonica Dr Tomasz Niewodniczanski (from Bitburg, Germany). Unfortunately this copy is damaged and the preserved fragment (57.5 x ca. 50 cm or, including the border, 67 x ca. 54 cm) constitutes about two thirds of the whole map. This edition with the dedication only half preserved, as on the second edition from 1605, has a completely different imprint (preserved together with the whole cartouche): Mit Roem. Kay. May. Befreyung. In verlegung Hanß Eyrings vnd Johann. Perferts beyder Buchhaendler in Bresslaw. Zu Bress[l]aw Bey Georg Bawman. ANNO 1612.
In 1889 Heinrich Lesser published in Wroclaw (Breslau) a facsimile edition of the Helwig map, based on the 1738 edition, but with the text of the title as on the 1765 edition.
Published for the first time in 1561 in Nysa (Neisse), the map of Silesia by Martin Helwig constituted until the middle of the eighteen century the main model and source of information for the cartographical presentation of this part of Europe on the maps of the most famous cartographers and publishers of those times.
Peter van der Krogt
To honour the Viennese historian Günter Schilder, who plays such an important role in the historic cartography of the Netherlands, this article concerns research into the question of whether Dutch cartography also played a role in the historic cartography of Vienna. On behalf of this an overview was given of the Dutch depictions of the city of Vienna up to and including the eighteenth century, and a few nineteenth century examples.
'This is Austria's eye, the proud and powerful Vienna': Dutch town views and plans of Vienna
The first 'Dutch' town view of Vienna is the panorama in the first part of the Civitates Orbis Terrarum of Braun and Hogenberg from 1572. This depiction is based upon a Viennese example. Thereafter, in the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, some forty town views and maps of Vienna appeared in the Netherlands, virtually all of which could be traced back to a small number of prototypes.
Two of these prototypes are original Dutch (Romeyn de Hooghe and Coenraet Decker), but these were rarely imitated. Two other prototypes account for over half of the Dutch productions: the profile of Braun and Hogenberg of 1572 based chiefly on an Austrian original, and Hoefnagel's bird's eye view of 1609.
- Augustin Hirschvogel, view from the south west 1547/1552 (15 imitations, among others by Braun and Hogenberg and as border view on many wall Dutch maps).
- Jacob Hoefnagel, bird's-eye view from the north, 1609 (9 imitations, among other in the sixth volume of Braun and Hogenberg, and by Johannes Janssonius, Danckertsz. and De Jonge; Hoefnagel's bird's-eye view was the model of Pieter Schut's view of Vienna, which was in turn imitated several times).
- Leander Anguissola and Barthelomeo Camuccio, fortification plan of the Turkish siege of 1683 (imitations by Collin, Mortier and De la Feuille).
- Unknown plan of Vienna during the Turkish Siege, c. 1683/84 (imitations by Visscher and in two Dutch books).
- Prints and print series on the siege and relief of Vienna in 1683.
- A. Romeyn de Hooghe, bird's-eye view from the northwest of the relief of Vienna in 1683.
B. Coenraet Decker, bird's-eye view from the south of the siege of 1683.
C. Two plates by Bouttats in the biography of Emperor Leopold I, 1716
- Bird's-eye view from the west by Folbert van Ouden-Allen, 1686 (no imitations).
- Leander Anguissola and Jakob Marinoni, plan of the new fortifications, 1704 (one imitation by Ottens).
- Eighteenth- and nineteenth century editions.
A particularly cogent point is that two great seventeenth-century bird's eye views of Vienna were drawn by a Dutchman: Jakob Hoefnagel in 1609 and Folbert van Ouden-Allen in 1686 (facsimiles of both are added to this volume). Hoefnagel's was imitated until far into the eighteenth century, but the one by Van Ouden-Allen was never copied.
So it can be concluded that though indeed the seventeenth century Dutch cartography of Vienna was but minimally original, it nonetheless did result in a significant distribution of the image of that city.
Augustin Herman (ca. 1621-1686) , a native of Bohemia, was one of the first Europeans who settled in the territory of the modern day United States as early as the seventeenth century and left traces of their cartographic activities. This article is a condensed listing of all the cartographic products which have either been made by Herman or that have been directly influenced by him and which are stored in various collections world wide. The oil painting The Embarkation of Domine Everardus Bogardus from Southwest of the Fort, New Amsterdam, on the early morning of August 17, 1647 attrib. Augustine Herman, is one of the first 'photographic accounts' of New York's colonial history and at the same time proof that many cartographers of the seventeenth century were gifted illustrators and painters. There are numerous indications that Herman was also the author of the first known depiction of New Amsterdam from around 1648 which was discovered in the Albertina Collection in Vienna in 1991. It is possible that this was the template for the city scenes which were printed in Nieuw Amsterdam op t Eylant Manhattans in Amsterdam in 1650 by Joannes Blaeu and 1655 by Nicolaes Visscher as copper engravings and have been used by various publishers up until the second half of the eighteenth century in various updated versions.
Augustin Herman's Cartographic Activities (ca. 1621-1686) - Reality and Fiction
The 1673 map Virginia and Maryland was a significant expansion of cartographic information of the territory of Virginia, Maryland and Delaware. The entire composition, the map script and the embellishments of Herman's main cartographic work not only show a stylistic sense characteristic of the period but also various unconventional attributes which were unknown to the European cartography of the seventeenth century such as the attention to detail, meticulous drawing of the coastline and the artistic refinement of the execution. Attempts to locate the original hand drawn drafts of the 1673 map have been unsuccessful to date. Based on Herman's masters, two other manuscript maps were copied, one for Maryland and one for Virginia, each with two sheets, which are stored in the John Carter Brown Library in Providence (Rhode Island) and in the National Archives (formerly the Public Record Office) in London. In both cases these are derivations of the engraved or printed master maps which used to be called derivates. Finally two map sketches have survived in Annapolis and Washington which show Herman's later residence, Bohemia Manor, in Maryland dating back to ca. 1681 and the beginning of the eighteenth century. On the basis of these two maps one can get a feel for the scope of Augustin Herman's subsequent large-scale projects (the construction of the canal between Chesapeake Bay and the Delaware River and the Delaware Road driveway). Speculations that Herman had measured the geographical width of New Amsterdam and that he had worked for the cartographic studio of Nicolaes Visscher are known to have been made by various authors. However, if only documentary evidence is taken into account, Herman did not work on any other maps.
Carmen Líter Mayayo
The scientific policy introduced in Spain in the eighteenth century by the monarchs of the Bourbon dynasty and supported by the men of the enlightenment, favoured the development of geographical science. As a result of this policy, the geographer Tomás López (1730-1802), the author of the most important cartographic work carried out in Spain in his Century, came to the forefront. Throughout his life he published more than two hundred maps of the different kingdoms, provinces and Spanish bishopdoms using the best cartographic sources of his time. There was no large-scale map representing the entire territory of Spain before he came on the scene. His maps filled this gap and were the only ones that could be consulted until well into the nineteenth century. This article analyses his cartographic work, the sources he used and his working method and includes an in-depth study on the interesting and evocative map showing Don Quixote's route, drafted by Tomás López for the publication of the novel, published by the Royal Spanish Academy in 1780.
The cartographer Tomás López and his map of the route of Don Quixote and the places of his adventures
Sjoerd de Meer and Irene Jacobs
This article provides an overview of the Bichon collection in the Maritime Museum in Rotterdam. The person after whom this collection is named, Claas Bichon (1660-1734), was one of the more interesting late seventeenth century VOC figures. Among other things he was maitre d'equipage in Batavia. Part of his paper legacy was donated in 1967 by one of his heirs to the Maritime Museum. The collection comprises two volumes of a ship's journal of both Claas and his brother Albert Bichon, two letter books, a manuscript atlas of the Indian North, a number of personal documents and landfalls. Günter Schilder has a special bond with the Maritime Museum and the Bichon collection in particular. It was he who identified the landfalls from this collection in 1970 as the sketches that were made during the voyage of discovery of Willem de Vlaming to the Southland (Australia) in 1696-1697 that until then had been believed to be lost.
The Bichon Collection in the Maritime Museum in Rotterdam
Peter H. Meurer
Jacob van der Heyden, the son of the painter Jan van der Heyden (* Mechelen around 1550/60, † Strasbourg 1611), was born around 1580/85 in Mechelen or more likely in Cologne, where his father lived in exile for some years. Trained probably in Flanders, Jacob van der Heyden set up his own business as an engraver and publisher in Strasbourg around 1604. Among his pupils and collaborators were Matthäus Merian and Wenceslaus Hollar in the early stage of their careers. In all, this prolific workshop hat produced more than 400 engravings and other prints. Among them are app. 100 sheets with topographical subjects. The latest works of Jacob van der Heyden are dated 1636 in Strasbourg. Place and date of his death are still unknown.
The Strasbourg workshop of Jacob van der Heyden
Maps and related subjects have been neglected in the extant bibliographies on Jacob van der Heyden. The history of cartography knows him mainly for the engraving of some celestial maps, globes and instruments by a group of Strasbourg astronomers (Jacob Bartsch, Isaak II Habrecht, Eberhard Welper). But moreover, Jacob van der Heyden was among the most productive map publishers in the German area around 1620-1635, i. e. in the phase before the nearly total decline of the genre in the Thirty Years War. The present article describes ten separately published maps and six multisheet town images from his workshop.
- Map of Austria (1620), based on a manuscript (probably drawn in 1563) by Wolfgang Lazius (1514-1565) and edited by the Austria-born Strasbourg historian Matthias Bernegger;
- A first map of the Rhine area (1621, four subsequent editions), a copy after the 1555 map by Caspar Vopelius from Cologne;
- Map of the Rhenish Palatinate and the Upper Palatinate (1621), compiled from maps in the Mercator atlas;
- Map of Silesia (1621), mainly copied from the maps of Silesia by Martin Helwig (1561) and of Moravia by Paul Fabricius (1569);
- Map of Bavaria (1622), a follower of the famous map by Philipp Apian (1568);
- Map of the Veltlin Valley (1625) in Switzerland, a copy of a model by Johann Ardüser published even in 1625;
- Map of the Danube area (1627), mainly based on a model made in Nuremberg by Levinus Hulsius (1596);
- Map of Lorraine (1630), a copy of a map by the Cologne publisher Johann Bussemacher of ca. 1590;
- Map of Southwestern Germany (1635) after a map from ca. 1625 by the cartographer Abraham Höltzl from Tübingen;
- A second map of the Rhine area (1636), compiled from several maps in contemporary Dutch atlases;
- Bird's-eye view of Vienna (1624), a copy of the edition by Jacob Hoefnagel (1609);
- Bird's-eye view of Rome (1629), a copy of the edition by Antonio de Tempesta (1593);
- View of Heidelberg (1629), a revised version of an original edition by Matthäus Merian (1620);
- View of Genova (1629), which is known to the author only from secondary sources;
- View of Magdeburg (1631), apparently based on an original drawing (communicated by Merian?);
- View of Venice (undated), a true copy of a model published by Willem Janszoon Blaeu (1614).
Olaus Magnus (Linköping, Sweden 1490-Rome 1557) published his famous map of the northern countries, the Carta marina, in Venice in 1539. On his map Olaus wanted to give as accurate and impressive a description as possible of his native country, which he had to leave for religious reasons in 1524. The Carta marina is an exhaustible encyclopedia. Through numerous illustrations of almost everything concerning nature and man - history, ethnography, trade, industry, politics, and natural phenomena - Olaus Magnus gave a fascinating picture of the northern regions.
Which is which? Which is where? How to identify the two original copies of Olaus Magnus' 'Carta marina' of 1539
In order to help to understand his great map Olaus Magnus wrote three commentaries: a short Latin one on the map itself, and separate booklets of 16 pages in Italian and German, Opera breve, and Ain kurze Auslegung, published in 1539. He described the same features as on the map more widely in his monumental history of the northern people, Historia de gentibus septerionalibus in 1555.
The Carta marina disappeared in 1570's, and for centuries nobody knew its original appearance. The different maps included in the later editions of the Historia, and naturally also the map published by A. Lafreri in 1572, were assumed to be original until the first original copy of the Carta marina was discovered in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich. The second one appeared in Switzerland in 1962, and it came to the possession of the University Library of Uppsala, Sweden.
The Carta marina is still popular and often used for illustration in different contexts, in scientific literature and nowadays especially in the Internet, including a large number of facsimiles. The information given about it is often insufficient and even contradictory, and the original copies of the Carta marina and their locations are mixed up. The differences between them have not been clearly pointed up. Hans Sallander's finding concerning the appearance of the names of Jordanes and Saxo on these maps has been considered as the only difference. In the article above, three other obvious differences have been brought out. These differences make it easy to distinguish between the Munich and Uppsala copies. On the other hand the question of the different addressees of the maps and the different type-setting of the texts leads to several new questions to be answered by further research.
The reopened Austrian National Library's Globe Museum is unique as the world's only institution dedicated to collecting, studying and presenting to the general public terrestrial and celestial globes, globes of the earth's moon and of various planets, as well as globe related instruments and instruments in which globes are a component.
The new Globe museum of the Austrian National Library in Palais Mollard
The museum consists of an exhibition area, where the world wide largest public collection of globes and globe related instruments is on display; of storage space; and of a study area.
The permanent globe exhibition introduces visitors to globes as specific forms of cartography, but also as beautiful and valuable objects - examples of consummate art and craftsmanship. Topics of 'globology' highlighted by the exhibition are globe history, globe making, the wide range of subjects depicted on globes, and also aspects of cultural history, such as the use of globes or their reception. Besides display of solid three dimensional objects, the museum also offers digital presentations, thus connecting a world of antique, untouchable treasures with explanation and interpretation through information technology.
Willem Mörzer Bruyns
One the many subjects dealt with in The Van Keulen Cartography Amsterdam 1680-1885 is the use of hydrographic sources by the Van Keulens for their charts. Charts often contain names of hydrographers, cartographers, or sea captains who contributed information, and frequently they are from outside the Dutch Republic. This article discusses two such charts published by Johannes II van Keulen (1704-1755), who led the firm from 1726 until his death. They cover parts of the Caribbean, a region where the Dutch, French, British, and Spanish had significant mercantile interests. The charts were based on work by 'the skilful Capt. Jean Bertrand', and on 'Monsr. Frezier'. The former can be identified as Captain Jan Bertrand who sailed between the Netherlands and the West Indies from 1726-1734, and who probably was a Dutchman of French-Caribbean extraction. His name is found on the Nieuwe Paskaart van de Kusten van West Indien van Rio Oronoque tot Cartagena, of the eastern portion of the Caribbean. Amédée François Frézier was an Ingénieur ordinaire du Roy on Hispaniola (then named Santo Domingo), who compiled the Carte de l'Isle de Saint Domingue and surrounding waters, published by Guillaume de L'Isle in Paris. Covens & Mortier in Amsterdam obtained the chart for the Dutch market, and added shipping routes.
French sources of two charts by Johannes van Keulen
Thereafter Van Keulen translated and extended it for navigation as the Nieuwe en Naaukeurige Paskaart van het Eyland Hispaniola of St. Domingo, met alle desselfs Havenen, Dieptens en Ankergronden, als meede de door passeeringe tusschen de Caiques, en andere Eylanden. naer opservatien van Monr Frezier. He dedicated it to Captain Hendrik Lijnslager, a Dutch naval officer who had provided new hydrographical information.
The Maritime Museum Rotterdam owns a manuscript sailing direction for the Caribbean, compiled in 1737 and a few years thereafter, in which the quality of the two charts is discussed. Two Dutch naval officers who sailed to the West Indies and reported on navigational issues in the region wrote it. Dutch naval activity in the Caribbean increased after 1737, in order to protect mercantile trade in a dispute with Spain over a sailing route, and from Spanish-American pirates. Lieutenant George de Visscher commanded Teijlingen, and his uncle Captain Hendrik Lijnslager commanded Brederode, both of the Amsterdam Admiralty. Neither had a high regard for the quality of the Bertrand-Van Keulen chart, so that Bertrand may have been less skilful than Van Keulen wanted the user to believe. De Visscher did not mention the Frézier-Van Keulen chart because it was not yet available when he left the Netherlands, in 1737. Lijnslager used it and was full of praise. After exploring a westerly route from the Caribbean to the Atlantic Ocean Lijnslager recommended this for Dutch ships, where they would profit from the north-easterly Trade Wind. This route is printed in the Frézier-Van Keulen chart as Engelsche Vaar Wegh, the name used by Lijnslager in his report, because of its popularity with English seamen. As the voyage in Brederode was Lijnslager's first time to the West Indies, the question arises how he could be using a chart that was dedicated to him and included a route he recommended, but which he still had to explore. Lijnslager mentioned using 'the French chart by Mr Frezier', and the chart of 'Mr Frezier printed by Van Keulen'. I show that the first was the earlier Covens & Mortier edition, and the second was a prototype given to him by Van Keulen for correction and supplementing. The definite chart, with the dedication, did not appear until after Lijnslager's return to Amsterdam, in 1741, but before his promotion to rear admiral in 1748.
Korea presented a mystery to European mapmakers from the early sixteenth century, when Portuguese traders at Malacca first heard rumors of a land and people between the Chinese and Japanese Empires. Since Korea was a closed society, over 200 years passed from the time those first references reached Europe until reasonably accurate maps of the peninsula appeared in European atlases.
Mapping Korea, a challenge to early mapmakers
This essay traces the evolution of Korea's delineation in various peninsular and insular configurations until the Jesuit map of 1735, produced in Paris by J.B.B. d'Anville. The relatively accurate Regis/Du Halde/d'Anville map served into the early twentieth century before being succeeded by modern cartography. It is contrasted here with the Kangnido, a Korean manuscript map of 1402 whose accuracy was not achieved in the West before d'Anville's Jesuit map appeared, 333 years later.
Although the origin of the maps in the Atlas Isaak de Graaf has been amply researched by Günter Schilder, their contents - if we disregard compass roses and geographical names- has not been extensively described as yet, and such a description is the objective of this paper. As the contents consist mostly of hydrographical charts, it is the portrayal of the coastlines, shoals, banks and rocks that has pride of place. But it is not only the rendering of the hydrographical information which makes them so interesting. Of course information on what can be seen on the coast is important just as well for mariners, for their navigation and to recognise landmarks, and so conspicuous settlements, coastal mountain ranges and vegetation is rendered as well.
The contents of the maps in the Atlas Isaak de Graaf
But apart from the hydrographical charts there are other maps as well contained in the atlas: town plans and plans of fortifications (even some plans of individual buildings) and there are a number of geographical maps that show the interior away from the maritime strongholds the VOC controlled: Southern India, Java, Japan and China are rendered, as background for the portrayal of routes of embassies or just as administrative maps showing the structure of the relevant empires. These geographical maps have their settlement patterns and hierarchies, their systems of roads and of course the relief representation as well.
One special aspect of the naming practice of VOC officers has been highlighted here: the tendency to name small islands in distant archipelagos after the townscape back home. I have called them 'landscapes of homesickness' or 'Heimwehlandschaften' and as far as I have been able to check, this is something typical of Dutch explorers.
Mary Sponberg Pedley
A New and Accurate Map of the English Empire in North America…By A Society of Anti-Gallicans is a large (41 x 50 cm) printed map, hand colored to show the contentious claims of the British colonies extending west from the Atlantic seaboard to the Mississippi River. The map is bordered on the left and right by the images of six North American harbors and forts and an inset map of the Atlantic Ocean. Its publication date of December 1755 places it at the end of a series of maps illustrating the difficult relations between Britain and France in the New World published in London in that year. This paper explores how the Anti-Gallican map differs from these other printed maps of 1755, which covering the same geographical area, by studying the map's sources, its layout and design, its publishers, and the role of a Society of Anti-Gallicans in its publication. The paper will show that the map used readily available French and British cartographical sources to create a powerful image of an expanding overseas empire facing an internal threat that could only be defeated by the use of arms. The incorporation of subtle propaganda into the map's design reflects a concerted effort on the part of the map's compiler to promote the cause of the Anti-Gallicans, who sought independence from French commerce and design influence.
'A new and accurate map of the English Empire in North America' by a Society of Anti-Gallicans (London, 1755)
The early years of the French Dépôt des cartes, plans et journaux de la Marine coincide with the apprenticeship years of Philippe Buache as a cartographer under the supervision of Guillaume Delisle, and under the succeeding directors of the Dépôt: Charles-Hercule d'Albert de Luynes, Louis Charles de La Blandinière, and Antoine d'Albert du Chesne. Buache's position became preeminent when he was named geographer at the Académie des sciences in 1730. He was able to address the Minister of the Marine on his own authority, suggesting to him in 1730 that pilots should furnish information on the declination of the magnetic compass needle and on winds; in 1737, Buache even proposed a publication programme to the minister.
Buache and le Dépôt des cartes, plans et journaux de la Marine: The beginning of an institution, the start of a career, 1721-1737
While Buache's work responded to the needs of navigators through the charts he drew for the king's navy, such as one of the Mediterranean Sea and one of the North Atlantic Ocean, his work also continued that of Guillaume Delisle when he redrew the map of the Gulf of Mexico, or when he paid attention to compass variation. Buache in the end benefitted from his time at the Dépôt by gathering documentation which enabled him to submit to the Académie des sciences in 1752 an essay on physical geography that proposed general concepts concerning the structure of the earth, which included mountain chains crossing both land and oceans. Buache had begun to think about the substance of this essay in 1736, having shown an interest the depths of the English Channel on a map submitted to the Académie on 25 May 1737, and the relief of the floor of the Atlantic Ocean near the equator, between Africa and America, on another chart discussed in September and published at his own address at the Quai de la Mégisserie.
The different aspects of Buache's work show that he was more than just a theoretician: he was interested in practical navigation problems and even in the protection of France's coasts, for which he collected the maps from navigators. In 1736-37, Buache's ambitions aroused the jealousy in his colleague at the Dépôt, Jacques-Nicolas Bellin, who undoubtedly was pleased when Buache left his position in 1737.
This chapter relies partly on the work of historians of cartography such as Olivier Chapuis, Josef Konvitz, and Lucie Lagarde, as well as on unpublished archival documents which shed new light on the early years of Buache's career.
Alexey V. Postnikov
Lieutenant Lavrentii Alekseevich Zagoskin (1808-1890) was a lieutenant in the Russian navy. In 1842-1844, in the service of the Russian-American Company, he led an expedition into the region now known as Alaska. One of the goals of the expedition was to reach the sources of the Kvikhpak (Yukon) and Kuskokwim rivers as well as to find the best communication route between the basins of these two rivers. Even though Zagoskin was not a professional geographer, his studies were an outstanding achievement because of their accuracy, the directness and clarity of his geographic observations, and descriptions of the environment and population of Alaska's interior.
L.A. Zagoskin's expedition 1842-1844: On a history of Alaska's mainland's exploration and mapping
After Zagoskin's return to Russia, a report about his journey, including a map, was published in the proceedings of the Imperial Geographic Society, followed by the publication of his main work, in two volumes. Accounts of the journey were also published outside Russia. In 1849 he was elected an active member of the Imperial Geographic Society and the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences awarded him a prize.
The information Zagoskin obtained about the population of Alaska's interior is actively used to this day as a valuable source on the ethnography of these peoples for the period of their initial contact with Europeans. It is especially valuable partly because he observed these peoples at a time when their way of life had not yet been changed through contact with the Russians.
The cartographic results of Zagoskin's expedition were remarkable The value of his work was based on his precise surveys and astronomical observations and his careful checking of the information of his Russian and foreign predecessors against the new information he obtained from local inhabitants and experienced company employees. His map of part of the Northwest coast of America gives the general orographic and hydrographic schema of the lower and middle courses of the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers. His cartography became the basis for cartography of this vast region of North America.
The small, volcanic, and semi-arid thirty-seven square mile island of Saint Martin (Sint Maarten/Saint-Martin) lies at the northern end of the Leeward Islands at the juncture of the Caribbean Sea with the Atlantic Ocean. The Europeans had known of it since the second voyage of Christopher Columbus in 1493, but the first recorded landfall was not until 1624, by the Dutch. Attracted by the island's salt deposits, lasting European settlement began thereafter with the English and French ousted by the Spanish from Saint Christopher (Saint Kitts) in 1627 and by the Dutch from the Dutch West India Company in 1631 and neighboring Saint Eustatius ('Statia') in 1638. The Indian name for the island was Sualouiga ('Land of Salt'), referring to its prominent and historically valuable salt ponds. Although Saint Martin was officially divided between the Dutch and French by the 'Accord of 1648,' an extension of the great Treaty of Westphalia, it nevertheless was settled and resettled, mapped, and contested until well after the wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon into the nineteenth century.
The Dutch mapping of Saint Martin
Saint Martin's soil was poorly suited for plantation agriculture, and cotton, tobacco, sugar, indigo, cacao, and coffee all failed, but its salt remained a valuable commodity into the twentieth century. Consequently, slavery was finally abolished on the French side in 1848 and the Dutch in 1863. Saint Martin's modern history as a tourist mecca began in 1939 when the Dutch side was declared a duty free area by the Netherlands. France soon followed suit. In 1943, the United States Army Engineers built the first runways for what would become Queen Juliana Airport on the Dutch side as part of the Allied World War II anti-U-boat campaign in the Caribbean. The opening of the airport in 1950, serving both parts of the island, even more furthered its growing tourist industry. Today, Saint Martin is rated second only to Saint Thomas in the U.S. Virgin Islands for duty free shopping in the Caribbean by the tourist industry. Duty free status also allows for alcohol to readily distilled or imported, blended, and sold, thereby creating an emergent regional trade in Saint Martin flavored rums.
The cartography of Saint Martin has reflected its economic importance or lack thereof. Hence, the Spanish were the first to map it, but the Dutch and French have been its most important cartographers. It probably appears already on the famous Juan de la Cosa map of 1500, and is definitely on the portolan Ante. Yllas of 1512-1516 by Jorge Reynal that later was in an atlas of Lopo Homem as Carta Atlantica. An anonymous Spanish manuscript map of 1631-1632 is the oldest of Saint Martin.
The original cartographic considerations of the Dutch were locational (vis-à-vis Europe and Saint Martin's neighbors) and topographical (harbors, coastlines, town sites, and resources) to facilitate colonization. For example, it appeared as such on Ortelius' groundbreaking Caribbean regional map of 1579 and numerous others. Samuel Fahlberg, an employee of the Dutch West India Company, did some of the most significant and beautiful maps of the island in the first three decades of the nineteenth century. A pivotal map of the nineteenth century was the highly accurate Kaart van het Eiland St. Martin (Amsterdam, 1883) by J. Dornseiffen. The diversity of the state-of-the-art Dutch cartography of the island in the twentieth century indicates its importance in war and as a tourist destination (e.g. new cadastral maps, especially for the improvement of the Dutch side's infrastructure after 1947). Throughout, the Dutch mapping of Saint Martin has evidenced its history, spurred its development, and helped to define its unique separate, yet amalgamated multinational character.
The cosmographer, globemaker and engineer Vincenzo Coronelli (1650-1718, a Franciscan friar) had several personal connections with the imperial court in Vienna. The dedication of a pair of his 110 cm globes in 1694 was honoured by emperor Leopold I with a golden clock. In 1717 Coronelli spent six months in Vienna as an expert for hydraulic engineering to regulate to floods of the river Danube. This work was rewarded with some titles and a golden string. However, all these facts are known from Italian sources only. A careful new research in the imperial records did result not a single hint to Coronelli. The only evidence for his sojourn in 1717 is found in the account book of the kitchen of the Franciscan cloister in Vienna, where the costs for the accommodation of Coronelli and two servants are noticed.
Was Coronelli in Vienna?
The reasons for this rather strange silence in the court records are unknown. The article firstly underlines the sense of an exact documentation of such negative results, to avoid unnecessary double work of future researchers. There follows a general appeal for courage and ideas to publish hypotheses on unsolved questions in the history of cartography. Examples are the rejection of Columbus' travel plans by the Portuguese court, the changing appearance of a southern landmass on maps of the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries and the omission of a exact image especially of China on a seventeenth century Chinese globe.
Unsettled political and religious circumstances in the Low Countries in mid-late sixteenth century caused many citizens to seek refuge under more tolerant regimes abroad. England, in particular, gave a welcome to skilled artisans who were map-makers and engravers; sometimes both. The cartographical output of fourteen of these craftsmen are discussed briefly, enumerating the contributions they made to map-making and copperplate engraving in England throughout the reign of Queen Elizabeth I (1558-1603).
Netherlanders in Elizabethan England
Some of these émigrés, such as Jodocus Hondius the elder and Pieter van den Keere achieved greater fame and distinction on their return to the Netherlands. A few others, such as William Kip, Hans Woutneel and Renold Elstrack stayed in England for the rest of their working lives. Relatively little is known about the cartographic work of several names such as Reyner Wolfe, Lenaert Terwoort, Cornelis de Hooghe or Johannes Rutlinger. However, taken as a whole, the influence of these emigrants from the Low Countries and adjacent regions was significant in transmitting engraving and map-making skills to English adherents at a time of immaturity.
Francesco Sabatini (Franciscus Sabadinus) is one of the many marginal figures in Italian map publishing of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Exact dates on his life and work remain to be researched. There is some evidence that he was active as a printer and publisher (and engraver?) in the 1670s probably in Bologna. The article describes three highly rare maps, in which the dedications are signed by Sabatini.
Three maps by Francesco Sabatini
- Map of the Holy Roman Empire, copied after a model by Pieter van den Keere and dedicated to Enea Silvio Carpara (1631-1701), born in Bologna and officer in service of the imperial house in Vienna (the mention of his positions in the dedication corresponds to his rank in the early 1670s).
- Map of Netherlands, copied after a model published in 1672 in Rome by François Collignon and dedicated to Francesco del Giudice (1647-1725), i. a. legate of the Holy See in Bologna in the early 1670s.
- Map of the Iberian Peninsula, copied after a model by Pieter van den Keere and dedicated to the Bologna patrician Bartolomeo Manzoli († after 1676); a portrait shows King Charles II (*1661, reigned 1665-1700) as a child.
The author offers a plausible interpretation of the study of charting in the nineteenth century, pointing out a connection between marine surveying and the contemporaneous revolution in mapping and portraying landscapes for military purposes: practical 'mapping' borrowed the aesthetic concept of 'imitation of nature' from the world of art adapting it to scientific aims. By way of example, he describes the Carta topografica ed idrografica dei dintorni di Napoli, surveyed and charted between the years 1817 and 1819 and the Carta di Cabottaggio del mare Adriatico, published in Milan by the Austrian 'I. R. Istituto Geografico Militare' in the years 1822-1824. The chart of the Adriatic Sea is one of the first examples of multi-international cooperation for cartographical purposes; the Neapolitan, Austrian and British Governments assigned their Navies and their geographical engineers for four years to a joint charting project. For the first time the Austrian officers extensively used the 'camera lucida' for taking pictures of the coastline for the purposes of approaching the coast and landing, but the whole result was a sort of artistic marine landscape portrayed with the same objective, and using the same pictorial tools, as the great European painters who worked in the same period 'en plein air'.
Landscapes and Charting in the Nineteenth Century: Neapolitan-Austrian and English cooperation in the Adriatic Sea
The compass rose, often with 32 wind directions, the fleur-de-lis indicating north and sometimes a cross indicating east, occur on most estate maps. They were taken by cartographers and surveyors from the Mediterranean tradition of portolans and were more or less a convention in the seventeenth century. For the use of parcel maps, however, these detailed designs of compass roses are not necessary. Nevertheless, a lot of surveyors paid detailed attention to designing and drawing compass roses. The reasons why surveyors portrayed them with such detail should be found in the political meanings of decorative elements on maps. For surveyors, these were to show their artistic and even mathematical (like Thomas Witteroos) skills and to impress their principals. For landowners, who sometimes specifically instructed the surveyors to draw compass roses, these were to show their power and to impress their tenants and peers. Incidentally, there were surveyors who used methods to make the time consuming portraying of compass roses easier by using printed 'stick roses' (like Pieter Wils) or stencils (like Johannes Baptiste Adan). The resulting uniformity in their maps suggests a certain level of accuracy, which may have been a reason for using such methods.
'On every individual map, a compass has to be drawn': The compass rose on Dutch estate maps
Dirk de Vries
The most northerly part of Flanders - the present-day Zeeuws-Vlaanderen - is perhaps the region in the Netherlands that suffered most during the Eighty Years' War. Since the inundations of 1583 to 1585 huge areas of the region had fallen to the forces of the tides, and that situation was to continue for decades. Protruding here and there through the shining watery surfaces were the ruins of vanished villages and old bulwarks and settlements. The function of a defensive outer wall behind which Zeeland was able to hide had drawn (too) heavily on the resources of the Flemish people, many of whom then fled the area.
Jacob Mogge, sworn surveyor of the Vrije van Sluis (ca. 1613 -1669)
The war and, after 1648, peace as well gave military engineers and surveyors more than enough work, first of all in the design and installation of settlements and secondly in making the area liveable again by way of land reclamation. One of these people was the surveyor Jacob Mogge (ca. 1613-1669) of Vlissingen. His field work starting around 1645, recorded in circulars and maps, has made a significant contribution to the West Zeeuws-Vlaamse landscape up to this very day. The map of the Oost-Vrije van Vlaanderen of 1656 - the only printed map of his that has survived - can be viewed as a summary of his work as surveyor and mapmaker. It shows the western part of the State of Flanders as it was recovering from the tribulations of war. Mogge has summarised its theme concisely in the title: it displays both 'Fortressen en Schansen'and 'nieuw bedijckte Polders'. For six polders he has specifically mentioned the year of their diking, all between 1649 and 1652: Flandria restituta.
In 1649, in part pursuant to the Treaty of Munster, Joan Blaeu published his two-part towen atlas guide to the towns of the northern and southern Netherlands. All prior series of Dutch town plans, such as these appear in Braun & Hogenberg's Civitates orbis terrarum and Guicciardini's Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi, had by then become quite outdated.
Joan Blaeu's battle with the Waterland towns
Blaeu had not managed to collect full-fledged town plans in folio format for all the towns. For the smaller towns, therefore, for the time being he contented himself with small plans, usually printed four to a page, such as those of M.Z. Boxhorn's Theatrum Hollandiae of 1632. He did still manage to find some better material on several towns in time, but not of the Waterland towns of Purmerend, Edam and Monnickendam.
The later town atlas of Frederick de Wit from approximately 1700, unclear references in the literature and the appearance of unknown earlier versions of the plans of De Wit, gave rise to speculation about the possible existence of 'real' Blaeu plans in folio format of Purmerend, Edam and Monnickendam. Closer investigation and the recent acquisition of an unusual later version of the town atlas of Blaeu by the University Library of the University of Amsterdam showed that Blaeu did after all, at a later stage, manage to produce his own large plans of those towns. He was not, however, any longer able to integrate these into his standard editions. The reasons for this were probably the big fire in his print shop in 1672 and his death in 1673. These rare Blaeu plans proved to only appear in a few late copies of Blaeu's town atlases, most of which varied from one another.
The copper plates of Edam and Monnickendam were repaired and re-used for the town atlas of Frederick de Wit. The copper plate of Purmerend probably became unusable, which is why De Wit found it necessary to engrave a copy of Blaeu's plan of Purmerend.
Did John Donne have a map in mind in 'Hymne to God, my God, in my sicknesse?'
Critics have generally taken John Donne's well-known use of geographical imagery to have only metaphysical significance and have suggested that Donne reflected upon only broad types of world maps (T-in-O, double-cordiform, etc.). However, the precise language of Donne's Hymn to God my God, in my sicknesse suggests that he had a particular map in mind: Jodocus Hondius's world map of ca. 1595 commemorating the circumnavigations of Sir Francis Drake and Thomas Cavendish. This in turn suggests that further dimensions of Donne's poetic imagery might be revealed by considering its literal as well as metaphorical meanings.
Since I am comming to that holy roome,
Where, with thy Quire of Saints for evermore,
I shall be made thy Musique; As I come
I tune the Instrument here at the dore,
And what I must doe then, thinke here before.
Whilst my Physitians by their love are growne
Cosmographers, and I their Mappe, who lie
Flat on this bed, that by them may be showne
That this is my South-west discoverie
Per fretum febris, by these streights to die,
I joy, that in these straits, I see my West;
For, though theire currants yeeld returne to none,
What shall my West hurt me? As West and East
In all flatt Maps (and I am one) are one,
So death doth touch the Resurrection.
Is the Pacifique Sea my home? Or are
The Easterne riches? Is Ierusalem?
Anyan, and Magellan, and Gibraltare,
All streights, and none but streights, are ways to them,
Whether where Iaphet dwelt, or Cham, or Sem.
We thinke that Paradise and Calvarie,
Christs Crosse, and Adams tree, stood in one place;
Looke, Lord, and finde both Adams met in me;
As the first Adams sweat surrounds my face,
May the last Adams blood my soule embrace.
So, in his purple wrapp'd, receive mee Lord;
By these his thornes give me his other Crowne;
And as to others soules I preach'd thy word,
Be this my Text, my Sermon to mine owne,
Therfore that he may raise the Lord throws down.
John Donne, Hymne to God my God, in my sicknesse
In the 1880s the Dutch archivist P.A. Leupe published an excerpt from a little-known document in the archives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) which had been drawn up in 1644 by Governor Maximiliaan le Maire for his successor François Caron. This document dealt with such matters as the company's financial state of affairs, the value of the merchandise in the warehouses, and the furniture belonging to the VOC. Leupe's excerpt described the maps and paintings which decorated the governor's house in the VOC complex of Castle Zeelandia, of which some extant walls today still remind us of its former glory. To the one page of information Leupe added a short description of the paintings and maps in the governor's residence from the Memorie which was drawn up in 1646 by Governor Caron for his successor, Pieter Overtwater.
The display of power and religion in the Dutch Governor's house in Taiwan
Since the publication of these excerpts, little has been done with this information, but this small piece of textual information - although not specifying exactly where the paintings and prints were displayed - is nonetheless valuable because it helps us create a visual image of how the works of art were used as decoration in the most important VOC building in Asia in the 1640s. Such a reconstructed image at the heart of the Dutch presence in Taiwan provides a further key to understanding the exercise of Dutch power and aspects of Dutch religion during that period.
The art works clearly focussed on the VOC's politics of the period and on this specific area. For example, since the war with Spain both in Europe and overseas was an important subject, the princes of the Orange-Nassau family, both as royal symbols and as leaders in the war, received a prominent place in the decoration scheme.
In the creation of Taiwan as a trading base and a colony, effective governance of Chinese farmers and aboriginals was very important. Out of religious zeal - but also for geo-political reasons - the VOC actively attempted to spread the Calvinist religion in Taiwan. In the governor's house, paintings and prints with religious subjects and maps inspired the VOC's highest officials in their religious and geo-political strategies.
An intriguing unanswered question is whether one artist, partly inspired by prints sent over or brought along from the Dutch Republic, might have produced most of the paintings in the governor's house. If so, it is possible that Joost Pauwelsz. Noorwits - the only artist known to have painted portraits in Taiwan - was responsible for the painted maps, portraits, and religious subjects in the governor's house and perhaps it was also he who executed the painting of the church service in the village Soulang in 1643 which we know today only through a small black-and-white photograph of it made in 1950.